What is Kleptocracy? Kleptokratiya nədir?

Kleptocracy

Kleptocracy (from Ancient Greek κλέπτης (kléptēs, “thief”), κλέπτω (kléptō, “steal”), from Proto-Indo-European *klep- (“to steal”); and from the Ancient Greek suffix -κρατία (-kratía), from κράτος (krátos, “power, rule”; klépto- thieves + -kratos rule, literally "rule by thieves") is a government with corrupt rulers (kleptocrats) that use their power to exploit the people and natural resources of their own territory in order to extend their personal wealth and political power. Typically this system involves the embezzlement of state funds at the expense of the wider population, sometimes without even the pretense of honest service.

Characteristics

Kleptocracies are generally associated with dictatorships, oligarchies, military juntas, or other forms of autocratic and nepotist governments in which external oversight is impossible or does not exist. This lack of oversight can be caused or exacerbated by the ability of the kleptocratic officials to control both the supply of public funds and the means of disbursal for those funds. Kleptocratic rulers often treat their country's treasury as a source of personal wealth, spending funds on luxury goods and extravagances as they see fit. Many kleptocratic rulers secretly transfer public funds into hidden personal numbered bank accounts in foreign countries to provide for themselves if removed from power.

Kleptocracy is most common in developing countries whose economies are based on the export of natural resources. Such export incomes constitute a form of economic rent and are easier to siphon off without causing the income to decrease.

Effects

The effects of a kleptocratic regime or government on a nation are typically adverse in regards to the welfare of the state's economy, political affairs and civil rights. Kleptocratic governance typically ruins prospects of foreign investment and drastically weakens the domestic market and cross-border trade. As kleptocracies often embezzle money from their citizens by misusing funds derived from tax payments, or engage heavily in money laundering schemes, they tend to heavily degrade quality of life for citizens.

In addition, the money that kleptocrats steal is diverted from funds earmarked for public amenities such as the building of hospitals, schools, roads, parks – having further adverse effects on the quality of life of citizens. The informal oligarchy that results from a kleptocratic elite subverts democracy (or any other political format).

Kleptokrasiya

Yunanca oğru mənasını verən "κλέπτης" - "kleptes" ve hökm etmək / güç tərcümə edilən "κράτος" - "kratos" kəlimələrindən yaranan 'kleptokrasi' oğruların idarəsi/hakimiyyəti başa düşülür.

Kleptokratiya nədir

Kleptokratiya, bir ölkədə iqtidarı ələ keçirən bir ailənin ya da siyasi və ya dini grupun, o ölkənin sərvətlərini/gəlirini sistemli olaraq mənimsəməsi deməkdir.. qısaca Oğruların rejimi/hakimiyyəti anlamına gəlir. Demokratiyanın tam olmadığı ölkələrdə rast gəlinən bu idarə sistemi, həmin ölkələrin inkişafının önündəki ən böyük əngəldir. 

Kleptokratiyanın nəticələri

Oğruların hakimiyyəti ilə idarə olan ölkələrdə aşağıdakı hallara rast gəlinir:

1. yerli sənaye və kənd təsərrüfatının istehsalı zəifləyir

2. iqtisadiyyata böyük inhisarlar nəzarət edir..

3. ərzaq qiymətlərinin yüksəlişi müşahidə olunur

4. təbii sərvətlər hakim ailələr arasında paylaşılır

5. ölkədə insan haqları tapdalanır

6. rüşvətsiz iş görməyən bürokratiya formalaşır, 

7. siyasi sahədə müxalifətin fəaliyyətinə imkan verilmir

əslində bura başqalarını da əlavə etmək olar.. qeyd etməliyəm ki, Ərəb Baharının əsas səbəblərindən olan Kleptokratiya idarə formasına demokratiya baxımdan geridə qalmış ölkələrdə müşahidə olunur..

Dövlətin imkan və vəsaitlərindən şəxsi var-dövlətlərini artırmaq və topluma siyasi təsirlərini gücləndirmək məqsədilə istifadə edən fırıldaqçıların qurduğu hökumətlərə tətbiq edilən ideoloji klişedir. Heç nədən çəkinməyən bu fırıldaqçılar əksər hallarda “xalqa xidmət etmək” kimi siyasi terminlərdən də isifadə etmirlər.
Kleptokratiya bir qayda olaraq avtoritar hakimiyyətlərin korrupsiyalaşması və rüşvətə qurşanması nəticəsində yaranır. Kleptokratlar dövlət vəsaitlərinə öz şəxsi əmlakları kimi baxır, onları öz mülahizələrinə uyğun şəkildə xərcləyir, “qara günlər”i üçün müxtəlif yollarla xarici banklarda, daşınmaz əmlakda gizlədirlər. Bu termini ilk dəfə işlədən ingilis sosioloqu M.Yanqın fikrincə onların əsas oğurluq mənbəyi yol, körpü, məktəb, xəstəxana, park kimi böyük investiya tutumlu layihələr, ən başlıcası isə xammal satışıdır.
Kleptokrat rəhbər ətrafında heç vaxt demokrat məmur görmək istəmir. Çünki demokratın onu oğurlamağa qoymayacağından qorxur. Ona görə də hətta parlamenti də elə təşkil edir edir ki, qanunları onun iştahına uyğun şəkildə qəbul etsinlər.
2006-cı ildə Buş hakimiyyəti dönəmində dünyadakı kleptokratlarla mübarizəyə həsr olunmuş xüsusi proqram qəbul olunmuşdur. Hətta bununla bağlı G-8 zirvəsində xüsusi razılığa gəlindiyi də bildirilir. Bir çox politoloqların fikrincə hazırda dünyada baş verən xalq üsyanlarının arxasında da məhz bu proqram durur və o idarəolunan şəkildə həyata keçirilir.

Justice for KHOJALY

Khojaly Massacre

Victims of Khojaly Massacre

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According to official statistics, 613 civilians were killed as a result of assault on Khojaly, among them:

Children — 63,

Women — 106,

Elderly — 70,

Completely annihilated families – 8,

Children who lost both parents – 25,

Children who lost one parent – 130,

The number of the wounded is 487, including 76 children.

Number of persons taken hostage – 1275,

Civilians declared missing – 150*.

Despite the declared readiness of Armenian side to deliver the captives (women and children) of Khojaly to Azerbaijan, the reality was quite the opposite.

According to the report of the human rights group, Memorial:
“The conditions of detention of hostages were extremely dissatisfactory; there is evidence of violence on civilian captives of Khojaly.”

It’s noteworthy that according to witness accounts, including but not limited to international journalists as well as representatives of human rights groups, the bodies of the perished Azerbaijani civilians were mutilated; force was used on children.

Case in point, excerpt from Memorial report:

“Within four days, approximately 200 bodies were transported to Agdam. Several dozen bodies had signs of mutilation. Doctors of Agdam’s train service documented evidence of four scalped victims, one body with a decapitated head. Autopsy was conducted on 181 bodies (130 males, 51 females, and 13 children); concluding that 151 of the killed were fatally shot, 20 had shell fragment wounds and 10 were hit with blunt objects.

_______________________
*Including those who froze to death during their escape.
*A part of the missing civilians include those who were killed in the city during the shelling by Armenian armed groups on February 25. The Armenian side refused to hand the bodies over or provide any sorts of information on these missing individuals.

XOCALI FACİƏSİ

1988-ci ildən başlamış Ermənistan - Azərbaycan, Dağlıq Qarabağ münaqişəsi dövründə ən müdhiş, faciəli, tarixdə analoqu çox az olan hadisələrdən biri Qarabağın ən qədim insan məskənlərindən biri olan Xocalıda baş vermiş soyqırım olmuşdur. Xocalı faciəsi XX əsrin ən dəhşətli və ən qəddarcasına törədilmiş Xatın, Xirosima faciələri ilə eyni səviyyədə durur.

Xocalı Xankəndi şəhərindən 14 km şimal-şərqdə yerləşir.

1992-ci ilin qanlı faciəsinə kimi Xocalıda 7 min əhali yaşayırdı. Məlum hadisələr dövründə Ermənistandan, qonşu Xankəndindən ermənilər tərəfindən didərgin salınmış xeyli azərbaycanlı və 1989-cu ildə Fərqanədən qovulmuş məhsəti türkləri də məskunlaşmışdılar.

1992-ci il fevralın 25-dən 26-sına keçən gecə erməni silahlı dəstələri Xankəndi şəhərində yerləşdirilmiş keçmiş SSRİ-nin 366-cı motoatıcı hərbi alayının köməyi ilə silahsız və köməksiz Xocalı şəhərinə hücum etmişlər. Əvvəlcə şəhər dörd tərəfdən erməni qoşunları tərəfindən əhatə olunmuş, sonra isə Xocalıya artilleriya və ağır hərbi texnikadan güclü və amansız atəş açılmış, az bir vaxt ərzində şəhərdə yanğın baş vermiş, şəhər tamamilə alova bürünmüşdür. Şəhərin müdafiəçiləri və yerli əhali buranı tərk etməyə məcbur olmuşlar. Fevralın 26-sı səhər saat 5-ə kimi şəhər erməni işğalçıları tərəfindən zəbt edilmişdir.

Bir gecənin içərisində qədim Xocalı yerlə yeksan edilmişdir.

Şəhəri tərk etməyə məcbur olan əhali dağlara, meşələrə qaçmışdır. Hər tərəfdə silahlı ermənilər dinc əhalini güllələyir, onlara amansız divan tutmuşdular. Beləliklə, soyuq, qarlı fevral gecəsində nə qədər qız-gəlin əsir düşdü, girov oldular. Nə qədər insan erməni silahından yayınıb meşələrə, dağlara qaçsalar da onların çoxu soyuqdan, şaxtadan məhv oldular…

Cinayətkar erməni qoşunlarının vəhşiliyi nəticəsində Xocalı əhalisindən 613 nəfər öldürülmüş, 487 nəfər şikəst olmuş, 1275 nəfər dinc sakin - qocalar, uşaqlar, qadınlar əsir götürülərək ağlasığmaz erməni zülmünə, təhqir və həqarətlərinə məruz qalmışlar. 150 nəfərin taleyi hələ də məlum deyildir.

Bu əsl soyqırım idi. Xocalıda öldürülmüş 613 nəfərdən 106 nəfəri qadın, 63 nəfəri uşaq, 70 nəfəri qoca insanlar olmuşlar.

Xocalı faciəsində 8 ailə bütövlükdə məhv edilmiş, 24 uşaq hər iki valideynini, 130 uşaq isə valideyinlərindən birini itirmişdir.

Bu cinayətdə 56 nəfər xüsusi qəddarlıqla və amansızlıqla qətlə yetirlimişdir. Onlar diri-diri yandırılmış, başları kəsilmiş, üzlərinin dərisi soyulmuş, körpə uşaqların gözləri çıxarılmış, süngü ilə hamilə qadınların qarınları yarılmışdır. Ermənilər hətta meyitləri də təhqir etmişlər…

A major slogan of the Arab Spring: "the people want to bring down the regime"..

A major slogan of the demonstrators in the Arab world is Ash-sha`b yurid isqat an-nizam.. 
( الشعب يريد إسقاط النظام) "the people want to bring down the regime"..

Ərəb dünyasında nümayişçilərin əsas şüarı: İnsanlar hakimiyyəti yıxmaq istəyir..

The Fourth Wave Democracy or Arab Spring

Third Wave Democracy

In political science, Third Wave Democracy, also known as Democracy's Third Wave, refers to the third major surge of democracy in history. The term was coined by Samuel P. Huntington, a political scientist at Harvard University in his article published in the Journal of Democracy and further expounded in his 1991 book The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century.

Huntington describes global democratization as coming in three waves, the first beginning in the early 19th century and the third being a current event.^[1]

The First Wave

The first wave of democracy began in the early 19th century when suffrage was granted to the majority of white males in the United States ("Jacksonian democracy"). At its peak, the first wave saw 29 democracies in the world. This continued until 1922, when Benito Mussolini rose to power in Italy. The ebb of the first wave lasted from 1922 until 1942, during which the number of democracies in the world dropped to a mere 12.^[1]

The Second Wave

The second wave began following the Allied victory in World War II, and crested nearly 20 years later in 1962 with 36 recognised democracies in the world. The second wave ebbed as well at this point, and the total number dropped to 30 democracies between 1962 and the mid-1970s. But the "flat line" would not last for long, as the third wave was about to surge in a way no one had ever seen.^[1]

Scholars have noted that the appearance of "waves" of democracy largely disappears when women's suffrage is taken into account; moreover, some countries change their positions quite dramatically: Switzerland, which is typically included as part of the first wave, did not grant women the right to vote until 1971.^[2]

The Third Wave

The Third wave began in 1974 (Carnation Revolution, Portugal) and included the historic democratic transitions in Latin America in the 1980s, Asia Pacific countries (Philippines, South Korea, and Taiwan) from 1986 to 1988, Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and sub-Saharan Africa beginning in 1989. Exact tallies of the number of democracies vary depending on the criteria used for assessment, but by some measures there are well over 100 democracies in the world today^[when?], a marked increase in just a few decades.^{[citation needed]} Many of these newer democracies are not fully "consolidated," however, meaning that while they have electoral institutions in place, political democracy remains fragile. Reasons for this fragility include economic instability, continued elite dominance of politics, ongoing military interference in civilian affairs, and others.^[3]

Countries undergoing or having undergone a transition to democracy during a wave are subject to backsliding. Political scientists and theorists believe that the third wave has crested and will soon begin to ebb, just as its predecessors did in the first and second waves.^[4] Indeed, in the period immediately following the onset of the "war on terror" after the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, some backsliding was evident. How significant or lasting that erosion is remains a subject of debate.

The Fourth Wave

Experts have associated the collapse of several dictatorships in the Middle East and North Africa, phenomenon known as Arab Spring, with the events which followed the fall of the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe. The similarity between the two phenomena inspired hope for a fourth wave of democratization. However, a few months after the apparent beginning of the transition, most of the Arab political openings closed, causing an inevitable pull-back. One of the most alarming cases was that of Egypt, where the government, controlled by the military, did not facilitate the democratic transition in any way. On the contrary, it strove to silence the protests by arresting peaceful protesters and by “trying them in military tribunals.” A concrete example is provided by the story of Maikel Nabil, an Egyptian blogger convicted to be imprisoned for three years for “insulting the military establishment.” The main causes of the regression and crisis in all the affected countries are attributed to corruption, unemployment, social injustice, and autocratic political systems.

Despite the apparently unsolvable situation, the UN, under the administration of Ban Ki-Moon, tried to work as a mediator between the governments and the protesters. Moreover, according to Larry Diamond, the engagement of the United States of America in the democratic transition of the Arab world was fundamental. He attributed to the country the role of mentor and example for the newborn democracies.^[5]

Digital media played a much longer term role in creating favorable conditions for uprisings, helped to publicize key igniting events, and then facilitated those uprisings and their diffusion; but digital media did not do this alone or as suddenly as some observers have claimed. The story of the Arab Spring, according to Howard and Hussain, began over a decade ago as Internet access and mobile phones began to diffuse rapidly through North Africa and the Middle East. The citizens that could afford internet access, the wealthy and powerful mostly, played a huge role in the Egypt, Tunisia, and Bahrain uprisings. Over time, online criticisms of regimes became more public and common, setting the stage for the Arab Spring. Digital media also allowed women and other minorities to enter these political discussions, and, ultimately, the ensuing protests and revolutions as well.^[6]

As of 2016, some see the Arab Spring situation is still in progress, while others see the situation as Arab Winter.

1.     U.S. State Department. Retrieved 2007-08-07.

2.     Paxton, Pamela. (2000). “Women's Suffrage in the Measurement of Democracy: Problems of Operationalization.” Studies in Comparative International Development 35(3): 92-111

3.    Diamond, Larry. (1996). “Is the Third Wave Over?” Journal of Democracy 7(3).

4.     Zagorski, Paul W. (2003). Armed Forces & Society. 30 (1): 87–116.

5.    Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 2016-03-04.

6.    Earl, Jennifer (2013). "Democracy's Fourth Wave? Digital Media and the Arab Spring". POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY.

Blogs and Bullets: New Media and Conflict after the Arab Spring

Based on Twitter and Facebook data gathered during the 2011 Arab revolutions, the authors of this Peaceworks report find that new media informed international audiences and mainstream media reporting, but they find less evidence that it played a direct role in organizing protests or allowing local audiences to share self-generated news directly with one another.

About the Report

In this report from the United States Institute of Peace’s Centers of Innovation for Science, Technology, and Peacebuilding, and Media, Conflict, and Peacebuilding, a team of scholars from George Washington University and American University analyze the role of social media in the Arab Spring protests of 2011–12. It builds on a previous report, published in 2010 by USIP Press, titled Blogs and Bullets: New Media in Contentious Politics, and applies its five-level framework for studying and understanding the role of new media in political movements. The authors utilize a unique dataset from bit.ly, the URL shortener commonly associated with Twitter and used by other digital media such as Facebook. With these data, the authors are able to test empirically the claims of “cyberoptimists” and “cyberskeptics” about the role of new media in bringing down autocratic regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya and in spurring protests in other parts of the Arab World, such as Bahrain.

Summary

1. An extraordinary wave of popular protest swept the Arab world in 2011. Massive popular mobilization brought down long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, helped spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, and fundamentally reshaped the nature of politics in the region.

2. New media—at least that which uses bit.ly linkages—did not appear to play a significant role in either in-country collective action or regional diffusion during this period.

3. This lack of impact does not mean that social media—or digital media generally—were unimportant. Nor does it preclude the possibility that other new media technologies were significant in these contexts, or even that different Twitter or link data would show dif­ferent results. But it does mean that at least in terms of media that use bit.ly links (especially Twitter), data do not provide strong support for claims of significant new media impact on Arab Spring political protests.

4. New media outlets that use bit.ly are more likely to spread information outside the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry. This dissemination could be significant if it led to a boomerang effect that brought international pressure to bear on autocratic regimes, or helped reduce a regime’s tendency to crack down violently on protests.

5. It is increasingly difficult to separate new media from old media. In the Arab Spring, the two reinforced each other. New media must be understood as part of a wider information arena in which new and old media form complex interrelationships.

6.Of the four major Arab Spring protests analyzed—Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Bahrain— large differences were found across the four in the amount of information consumed via social media. The events in Egypt and in Libya (#jan25 and #feb17, respectively) garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs than those in Tunisia and Bahrain.

7. The protests in Egypt and Libya attracted more attention than those in other countries and also focused that attention on a more delimited set of content. Particular hashtags, such as #jan25, received a disproportionate proportion of attention.

8. The trends also suggest very sharp peaks of attention pegged to dramatic events, such as the departure of Ben Ali in Tunisia, the Pearl Roundabout raid in Bahrain, and several key days during the protest in Egypt—especially the “Friday of departure,” when Mubarak resigned.

Beynəlxalq Münasibətlər nəzəriyyəsinin tədqiqat üsul və metodları

Beynəlxalq münasibətlər nəzəriyyəsi aşağıdakı tədqiqat üsullarından istifadə edir:
1. Obyektivlik
2. tarixilik
3. elmilik
4. konkretlik
5. sistemli yanaşma
Beynəlxalq münasibətlər nəzəriyyəsinin əsas metodları aşağıdakılardır:
1. sistemli təhlil
2. müşahidə
3. beynəlxalq sənədlərin öyrənilməsi
4. statistik metodlar
5. imitasiya və modelləşmə metodları
Tədqiqat obyekti və məqsədindən asılı olaraq yuxarıdakı metodlardan hər hansı biri istifadə edilir, qeyd etmək lazımdır ki, ən uğurlu nailiyyət əldə etmək üçün müxtəlif metod və üsullardan kompleks istifadə edilməsidir.
 Beynəlxalq münasibətlər sistemini öyrənərkən xüsusi önəmli olan metodlar:
1. beynəlxalq şəraitin təhlili
2. proqnazlaşdırma
3. müşahidə
4. müqayisə
5. xarici siyasət fəaliyyətinin analizi

** bu qeyd etdiyim üsul və metodların öyrənilməsi və nümunələr əsasında tədqiqatına böyük ehtiyac var. Azərbaycan geo-siyasi ve geo-iqtisadi baxımdan böyük dövlətlərin maraq dairəsində və planlarında olan bir ölkə olduğundan biz beynəlxalq zəmində hadisələri daha düzgün və dolğun qiymətləndirməliyik.. Ölkəmiz hal-hazırda ərazi və qüdrəti baxımdan cılız bir dövlət olduğu düzgün analiz edə bilən hər kəsə məlumdur..

DIMINISHING INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA

DIMINISHING INFLUENCE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA

The diminishing influence of UK in matters of international security can be seen especially in the Middle East with the lack of propositional role in middle east peace process, the backlash of the controversial invasion of Iraq, lack of resources. According to John Baron MP, a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee at the House of Commons,  the UK has made a series of errors in the region starting from the Iraq war and ending with intervention in Libya and the ongoing campaign against ISIS. He stated that these failures are due to the dilution of skills in the political establishment in terms of Foreign Policy that has led  to lack of understanding of the region structures due to the budgets cuts and other factors making the FCO budget  half of the French Foreign Affairs ministry. Another official was critical of the UK foreign policy in the middle east. Last year, Baroness Warsi resigned from her role as Minister of State at FCO in protests for the UK position regarding the Israeli war on Gaza last summer. The divisive invasion of Iraq has made this government cautious regarding any external intervention. The intervention in Libya which appeared, at the time,  to be necessary to save lives of thousands of Libyans from their notorious dictator; this intervention was followed by the country turned into chaos in the absence of any viable plan for the transitional period. This confirms John Barons Statement that lack of understanding of the region leads to failure of engagement in the region. The parliament opposed intervention in Syria while it supported a low key role in Iraq's war against ISIS. However, the UK remains a major economic partner to the Gulf states, and continues to exert some influence there. Although the Gulf states are perceived as cash cows for the British economy, they are still far from it. Only the United Arab Emirates appears in the list of the top 20 destinations of British exports


IS THERE A ROAD TO PEACE?

The Islamic State (IS) phenomenon was a cumulative outcome of several catalysts involving all actors within the region. The tally of deaths amongst Iraqis in the last two decades starting from the containment policy of Bill Clinton to the invasion of 2003 contributed vastly to the rise of extremism in the country. The failure of the Arab Spring and democratic transitions in Egypt, Syria, Libya and Yemen for different reasons has contributed to spreading despair and extremism within the region.

The spread of extremist Islamic literature in the region has further encouraged fanatic discourse. The Middle East and North Africa Region has one of the most fragile political, social, economic and environmental structures, with a lack of people centred development policies and high  unemployment.

The Shi’a - Sunni war led by Iran and the Arab States in the region in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen has led to the whole region to become a volatile battleground for the two sects. The failure of the Middle East Peace process negotiations last year and the rejection of the Israeli Prime Minister to address the potential creation of a Palestinian State has definitely weakened the pro-peace and negotiations voices within the Arab world and strengthened the pro-violence and retaliation voices.

FCO Priorities for the Commonwealth

Contents

Our Mission Strengthening the Institutions of the Commonwealth Promoting Human Rights, Democratic Values and the Rule of Law Supporting Sustainable Development and Prosperity Championing Understanding within the Commonwealth’s Global Community 

1. Our Mission

As a constructive and active member of the global community, we want to strengthen the Commonwealth of Nations as a focus for promoting democratic practice and development, standing up for the values of freedom, fairness and responsibility. 

Our priorities are:

* Strengthening the Institutions of the Commonwealth;

* Promoting Human Rights, Democratic Values and the Rule of Law;

* Supporting Sustainable Development and Prosperity;

* Championing Understanding within the Commonwealth’s Global Community.

2. Strengthening the Institutions of the Commonwealth Priority: Ensuring the Commonwealth Secretariat is effective and has a strong delivery focused mandate.

Unlike other multinational institutions, the Commonwealth has no specific mission. Instead it is a network for collaboration on important international issues. This requires the Commonwealth Secretariat to be efficient, robust and able to adapt to a fast changing world.

Our work includes:

* Partnering with other Commonwealth Governments to drive forward reform of the Commonwealth Secretariat;

* Overseeing UK Preparations for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings (CHOGM);

* Working with the Royal Household to support the role of the British Monarch as Head of the Commonwealth;

* Ensuring that the Commonwealth is able to engage effectively with other International Organisations such as the UN, World Bank and International Monitory Fund.

3. Promoting Human Rights, Democratic Values and the Rule of LawPriority:

Supporting good government across the Commonwealth and supporting individuals’ human rights.

The Commonwealth Charter recognises the inalienable right of individuals to participate in democratic processes; commits member states to a multilateral international system based on inclusiveness, equity, justice and international law; and upholds the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Our work includes:

* Ensuring that all Commonwealth Citizens are able to participate in democratic processes through free and fair and publically accountable elections; 

* Working through the Commonwealth to uphold its commitment to equality and respect for the protection and promotion of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights;

* Promoting tolerance, respect, understanding, moderation and religious freedom for all Commonwealth Citizens regardless of race, gender, religion, physical ability or sexual orientation;

* Overseeing efforts to ensure that the Commonwealth remains a forum for the peaceful, open dialogue and free flow of information between governments, media and Commonwealth Citizens;

* Ensure that the essential protection offered by the rule of law to the people of the Commonwealth is upheld through the assurance of limited and accountable government.

4. Supporting Sustainable Development and ProsperityPriority: Helping to shape fair and inclusive economic growth that provides prosperity for all.

The Commonwealth is committed to removing wide disparities and unequal living standards through technical assistance, capacity building and practical cooperation that promotes an effective, equitable, rules-based multilateral trading system. The Commonwealth is committed to the sustainable management of the natural environment.

Our work includes:

* Promoting intra-Commonwealth trade on terms fair and equitable to all, while taking into account the special requirements of small states and developing countries;

*Using sustainable development to eradicate poverty through inclusive economic and socially equitable growth that perseveres and conserves the natural ecosystem;

* Promoting business practices that are fair, transparent, and prevent corrupt practices;

* Identifying opportunities for the Commonwealth to tackle the causes of Climate Change and mitigate its impact on small and vulnerable Commonwealth States.

5. Championing Understanding within the Commonwealth’s Global CommunityPriority: 

Building a global family of educated, diverse and socially engaged Commonwealth Citizens.

Civil Society plays an important role in the communities and countries of the Commonwealth. A number of accredited organisations championing education, business, minority communities, the arts, and closer contact between communities across the Commonwealth support the Commonwealth Secretariat in its work.Our work includes:

* Working with accredited Commonwealth Civil Society organisations to deliver Commonwealth objectives;

*Educating the UK public on the role and benefits of the Commonwealth in Foreign Policy;

* Promoting the Commonwealth as a partner for Whitehall departments.

Published 10 September 2015